HOME VOTING SYNOPSIS
[FFF, Nations and Government]
There has never been a way - the technical means by which - to implement
a truly participative democracy, at least in a large society. But this is no
longer the case. With the development of computerized communications, and the
types of encryption techniques and standards which are used in money transfers,
a participative government, in the form of Home Voting, is now possible.
An essential goal of any modern society should be to try to improve - not just
preserve - its form of government, its democracy, and to the extent that this
is possible, it will be best achieved through implementing home voting. In a
very real sense, direct democracy is the ultimate practical test of humanity:
of if we can rise above our differences; if we can escape from form; and if
we are better than animals.
In concept, home voting is simple. Every time there is a government issue to
be decided, at any level - local, state or federal - voters would register their
decisions through a computer or a device attached to their television, i.e.,
through a communications network. For instance, even though it did not involve
direct participation in a government decision-making process, such a system,
the technical means therefor, has already been tested. In March 2000, Arizona
democrats cast their votes in the national democratic primary, a legally-binding
election, on the website election.com.
Adopting this type of system for direct democracy would presumably confront
the apathy, or laziness, problem, which mature democracies experience, although
I would not make voting obligatory, since this constitutes telling people what
they must do. Voting is a privilege, but even a privilege should be voluntary.
Such a system would also dramatically streamline government. It would do away
with political leaders, and quite possibly political parties. Government employees
would present the decisions to be made, including the voting options, the documentation
in support of them, their risks, and the estimated probabilities of the different
potential outcomes. Then the people would vote, and their decisions would be
implemented.
Obviously, this system would still have some room for abuse. First, it is technologically-based,
and this would lead to a number of risks, foremost among them the possibility
of fraud. Secondly, the government employees could try to slant the alternatives
towards those that they prefer. However, for the latter, this situation already
exists today, and it is perhaps inescapable. In addition, the use of government
officials in this capacity is already well-established, particularly in parliamentary
democracies, in the form of permanent ministry undersecretaries. In such a system,
as in the United Kingdom, the political leaders may change, but continuity of
administration remains in the form of the undersecretary and his or her staff.
The application would be the same in home voting, with the will of the people
substituted for that of the political leaders.
Furthermore, with the end of political leaders we would also see an end to the
lobbying of special interests, at least in its present form. Such power
players would be emasculated; they would have no specific decision or
policy makers to whom to appeal. Instead, they would have to make their case
directly to the public. (They could appeal to the government staff, but given
that the latter would largely be immune to election pressures, and also more
generally anonymous, such pressure would likely be far less effective.)
Of course, such a development in government would represent a revolution, really,
an evolution, in political organization, as it would entail major structural
changes: think of a system without a President, or Congress. In theory, there
would not be any type of senior council at all, although in practice it might
be necessary to preserve the judicial system - the courts - at least initially.
The Constitution would have to be rewritten, and a whole new system of checks
and balances would have to be designed.
However, the rewards of home voting are such that it should, I would say must,
be pursued. I believe its implementation, over the long-term, is inevitable.
A major issue under direct democracy would be the scheduling, and the priority,
of the questions to be addressed. One could envision monthly, quarterly and
annual reviews of the normal concerns of government, with special provisions
for calling votes in cases of great urgency. Another issue would be the percentage
of the public vote required to instigate different actions, i.e., you would
not want to sanction entering a war with a majority vote of one. A similar issue
would exist with taxes: the people should decide how much money to raise, and
where it should be spent, but in this process it would be essential to guard
against tyranny of the majority.
But, in any case, many of these issues are already the normal day-to-day concerns
of representative government, and they should be readily translatable to a participative
form. And, of course, such a system should be the subject of extensive research,
and experimentation in test localities, before being installed nation-wide.
Also, this would mesh well with the suggested streamlining of government that
was described earlier, the extensive repositioning of its role from that of
service provider to having an expanded protective function. Of course, there
are risks inherent in a social institution that is given such great regulatory
authority but, on the other hand, this is an update of government's traditional
role, and in any case the risks are greater when the government undertakes the
role of service provider itself. This is because, when this occurs, there is
no separation of the provision and regulatory responsibilities.
We do not need or want government management of our lives. We only require its
oversight of the other institutions that seek to shape and abuse them.
In summary, and most importantly, home voting, through granting ordinary people
the right to have a direct impact on the specific issues of government, would
have a dramatic positive effect:
- on their interest in
government,
- and on their understanding of social issues,
- and hence on social cohesion, through increasing one's sense of civic pride,
and one's sense of personal responsibility for making a positive contribution
to social welfare.
However, some people may say that we are already moving towards direct democracy,
through poll democracy, and furthermore, that this is an argument
against such a system. Modern political leaders, through their addiction to
polls, already make widespread surveys of voters in advance of important decisions.
And what these polls show is that voters are fickle and rash: they change their
minds again and again, often based on the intensity of the persuasion to which
they are subjected. Political leaders follow this wavering, they actually seek
to anticipate it, and manipulate it in their direction. It is a contest not
of reason, but of form. However, this phenomenon is not the death knell of a
true participative system. A poll is not a vote. A word is not an action. From
the ordinary person's perspective, there is no consequence when giving an opinion,
and hence no responsibility. And, of course, polls are regularly designed to
yield a certain result. Voting, on the other hand, carries a significant responsibility,
which the public understands. Admittedly, it would take some time for the seriousness
of this responsibility as it would exist as part of a home voting system to
sink in, and during this time mistakes likely would be made. (But what government
doesnt make mistakes?) Also, the public would be susceptible to the persuasion
of demagogues, those demagogues with great media power, such that the system
might evolve into a mobocracy (or return to autocracy). But with
time people would gain experience with the system, and checks on demagogues
could be implemented. Also, as the impact of one's decisions, of one's votes,
not merely one's current opinions, became clear, this should lead people to
act more responsibly.
© Roland O. Watson 2001-3