LETTERS TO THE UNITED
STATES GOVERNMENT
DEMANDING THAT IT ACT RESPONSIBLY TOWARDS EAST TIMOR AND INDONESIA
Note: the three letters are in reverse date order.
Letter
1:
7 May 2002
The Honorable Colin L. Powell
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C St NW
Washington, DC 20520
The Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld
Secretary of Defense
Department of Defense
1000 Defense Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301-1000
Dear Secretary Powell and Secretary Rumsfeld:
We are greatly troubled by Pentagon plans to significantly increase engagement
with the Indonesian military (TNI). Prudent restrictions on military aid to
Indonesia, renewed and strengthened by Congress in the FY02 Foreign Operations
Appropriations Act, would in effect be nullified.
Indonesian armed forces continue to perpetrate systematic human rights violations
throughout the archipelago. The Indonesia section of the 2001 State Department’s
Country Report on Human Rights Practices documents “shooting of civilians,
torture, rape, beatings and other abuse, and arbitrary detention” and
notes that “the Government rarely holds the military or police accountable
for committing extrajudicial killings or using excessive force.” Rewarding
the TNI with US assistance -- while crackdowns on civilians continue, and
in some cases escalate, and resistance to accountability remains overwhelming
-- signifies the condoning of serious rights violations by the Administration.
The Administration has already lifted the embargo on commercial sales of non-lethal
defense articles and increased bilateral contacts between the militaries,
while Congress has agreed to reinstate Expanded International Military Education
and Training (IMET) for FY02. Yet these initiatives have not led to military
reform or greater influence in Jakarta, as argued by many in the Administration.
On the contrary, the Indonesian government has been less than cooperative
in the “war on terrorism,” largely neglecting Administration requests
regarding terrorist suspects and their assets. Domestic-focused militant jihad
groups continue to enjoy protection and support from members of the government
and military.
We are disturbed about the ease with which CINCPAC Admiral Dennis Blair overrode
Foreign Operations Appropriations jurisdiction and succeeded in securing a
last-minute addition to the FY02 Defense Department Appropriations Act (HR
3338, provision 8125), providing $17.9 million to establish a Regional Defense
Counter-terrorism Fellowship Program. Provision 8125 was clearly an end-run
around Foreign Operations Appropriations IMET restrictions, although none
of the seven conditions Congress required to lift the ban have been met. There
are no restrictions on which countries can participate in the program, which
has an unknown curriculum.
The FY02 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations request is more troubling still.
The request for an additional $8 million for the “training of civilian
and military personnel in support of humanitarian and peacekeeping activities
in Indonesia” can only be seen as yet another attempt to undermine congressional
restrictions. Before peacekeeping training should even be considered for the
TNI, soldiers would do well to stop their widespread practice of murder, torture,
and rape of civilians. The purpose and composition of the $8 million to “vet,
train, and equip a counter-terrorism unit” is unclear.
Potentially many more millions for defense articles, services, training, and
other aid could be made available for Indonesia from large pools of money
for unspecified countries, including $100 million “to support foreign
nations.” If the FY02 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations requests
are honored, the TNI will not only have access to prestigious U.S. military
training without congressional oversight, but bill language providing for
defense articles and services to unspecified countries could be used to supply
Indonesia with banned FMF. We further object to making funds “available
notwithstanding any other provision of law.”
If the Pentagon is allowed to ignore existing Foreign Operations Appropriations
restrictions in the FY02 Emergency Supplemental Appropriations request, congressional
intent will be effectively ignored, an unacceptable and fundamentally undemocratic
precedent. The message coming from Washington to Jakarta will be even more
conflicted, rendering U.S. support for democracy and human rights in Indonesia
even less credible. It is incomprehensible to deny IMET and FMF for the TNI
and talk about the need for military reform and an end to impunity on the
one hand, while the same sought-after training, financing, equipment, and
services are provided in everything but name. The United State’s most
important point of leverage – to foster respect for human rights and
accountability and encourage military reform – will be lost with little
or nothing gained.
It is crucial that this leverage is not lost. As organizations working on
behalf of human rights and social justice, we strongly request that the Administration
cooperate with Congress to achieve the following:
The IMET and FMF restrictions for TNI must be respected and administration
support given for their renewal in FY03. The TNI should not receive training
under the Regional Defense Counter-terrorism Fellowship Program. Funds appropriated
through the supplemental request should not be used to train the TNI in any
form or provide the military with undefined defense articles and services.
Any clause stating that funds for foreign militaries “may be made available
notwithstanding any other provision of law” should be excised. Throughout
the bill, countries eligible for specific programs or pots of monies should
be specified.
We object to any military assistance for the TNI. However, if new aid programs
are implemented, the Pentagon should consult in detail with members of Foreign
Operations Appropriations Subcommittees and Foreign Relations/International
Relations Committees, as well as other interested members of Congress, prior
to and during any program. These consultations should include the curricula
and locations of the training.
If any training does go forward, the Pentagon should provide Congress with
verification that those with whom the Pentagon works – whether individuals
or units of the police or military -- will not use skills gained to suppress
domestic conflicts. All individuals and units that receive training must be
vetted for participation in past abuses, and any with records of committing
human rights violations should not be allowed to participate. The U.S. should
not assist the TNI in further acts of murder, torture, rape, and other abuses
in Indonesia.
Foreign policy formulation should be returned to the authority of the Foreign/International
Relations Committees, the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittees,
and the State Department, where it traditionally has resided.
We also ask for clarification of the nature, composition, and purpose of the
Regional Defense Counter-terrorism Fellowship Program, as well as the counter-terrorism
unit.
Thank you for your serious consideration. We look forward to your response.
Sincerely,
John Ackerly, President
International Campaign for Tibet
Bama Athreya, Deputy Director
International Labor Rights Fund
Medea Benjamin, Co-Founder
Global Exchange
Kurt Biddle, Washington Coordinator
Indonesia Human Rights Network
Diana Bohn, Secretary
Bay Are Jubilee Debt Cancellation Coalition
Co-Coordinator, Nicaragua Center for Community Action
Rev. William Callahan, Co-Director
Quixote Center/Quest for Peace
Rev. John Chamberlin, National Coordinator
East Timor Religious Outreach
Peter J. Davies, UN Representative
Saferworld
Dr. Cathey E. Falvo, MD, MPH, Board of Directors
Physicians for Social Responsibility
Program Director, International and Public Health, School of Public Health
New York Medical College
Tamar Gabelnick, Director
Arms Sales Monitoring Project
Federation of American Scientists
Erik Gustafson, Executive Director
Education for Peace in Iraq Center
William D. Hartung, Director
Arms Trade Resource Center
World Policy Institute
David Herrel, Interim U.S. Director
Visions in Action
Martha Honey, Co-director
Foreign Policy In Focus, Institute for Policy Studies
Carol Jahnkow, Executive Director
Peace Resource Center of San Diego
Melissa Jameson, Director
War Resisters League
Prof. Peter Juviler, Director
Human Rights Studies, Barnard College, Columbia University
Lavinia Limon, Executive Director
U.S. Committee for Refugees
Kevin Martin, Executive Director
Peace Action Education Fund
Mary Anne Mercer, Co-chair
Northwest International Health Action Coalition (NIHAC)
John M. Miller, Director
Foreign Bases Project
John Oei, Founder
Indonesian, Chinese, and American Network
Karen Orenstein, Washington Coordinator
East Timor Action Network
Diana Ortiz, OSU, Director
Torture Abolition and Survivors Support Coalition International
Robert Pedersen, Trade and Labor Coordinator
Indiana Alliance for Democracy
Colin Rajah, Executive Director
JustAct - Youth Action for Global Justice
Jen Randolph Reise, Co-Director
Women Against Military Madness
Dave Robinson
National Coordinator, Pax Christi USA
Sharon Silber, Eileen B. Weiss, Co-Founders
Jews Against Genocide
Morton Sklar, Executive Director
World Organization Against Torture U.S.A.
Stephanie S. Spencer, Program Associate for Southern Asia
Common Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and
the United Church of Christ
Gail Taylor, Legislative Director
School of the Americas Watch
Kathy Thornton, RSM, National Coordinator
NETWORK: A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby
Carmen Trotta, Associate Editor
The Catholic Worker
Joe Volk, Executive Secretary
Friends Committee on National Legislation
Charles Warpehoski, Program Coordinator
Nicaragua Network
Roland Watson
Dictator Watch
John Witeck, Coordinator
Philippine Workers Support Committee
Kani Xulam, Director
American Kurdish Information Network
Phyllis S. Yingling, President
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, United States Section
cc: The Honorable Robert C. Byrd, Chair, Senate Appropriations Committee
The Honorable Ted Stevens, Ranking Member, Senate Appropriations Committee
The Honorable Patrick J. Leahy, Chair, Senate Foreign Operations Appropriations
Subcommittee
The Honorable Mitch McConnell, Ranking Member, Foreign Operations Appropriations
Subcommittee
The Honorable C. W. Young, Chair, House Appropriations Committee
The Honorable David R. Obey, Ranking Member, House Appropriations Committee
The Honorable Jim Kolbe, Chair, Foreign Operations, Export Financing, and
Related Programs Appropriations Subcommittee
The Honorable Nita M. Lowey, Ranking Member, Foreign Operations, Export Financing,
and Related Programs Appropriations Subcommittee
Letter 2:
22 April 2002
Secretary Colin L. Powell
U.S. Department of State
2201 ‘C’ Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20520
Dear Secretary Powell:
We urgently appeal to you to support the most generous grant possible without
restrictive macroeconomic conditions at the May 14 and 15 pledging conference
in East Timor. We strongly encourage you to work with other donor governments
and international financial institutions (IFIs) to make sure that East Timor’s
expected financing gap is covered in its entirety.
East Timor’s call to fund its financing gap comes on the heels of President
Bush’s recently stated commitment to eradicating poverty worldwide and
efforts by Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill and others to make sure that
grants form a large portion of international assistance to poor countries.
Pledging to fund 25% of the gap would be consistent with recent positions
taken by the Administration and would signal the sincerity of U.S. intentions
to the world.
As you likely know, the East Timorese government is expecting a $154 to $184
million shortfall in its already lean recurrent and development budgets over
the first three years of independence. While less than the Administration
spends on one F-22 fighter plane, for a small country like East Timor this
sum could stand in the way of a promising beginning as the world’s newest
nation. Due to reductions in peacekeeping and other UN operations in East
Timor, the U.S. will be saving substantial sums, a portion of which could
be pledged in May.
We strongly believe that the U.S. government has a moral obligation to ensure
that East Timor’s financing gap is fully funded. For some 50 years, the
U.S. was the largest supporter of the Indonesian military, despite its egregious
human rights record. That the President and Secretary of State of the United
States in 1975 gave a green light to Indonesian dictator Suharto to invade
East Timor is widely documented. And throughout the occupation, the U.S. supplied
Indonesian security forces with well over one billion dollars of military
assistance and equipment. Generous grants to East Timor without strings attached
cannot bring back the hundreds of thousands of East Timorese killed, but they
would help ensure a peaceful and prosperous future for East Timor.
It is wholly practical to sustain the positive investment made to date in
East Timor by the U.S. and other countries. This is the world’s first
chance to take preemptive action to thwart the vicious cycle of poverty and
debt that has a stranglehold on far too many developing countries. Simply
put, it is far cheaper to prevent a problem than to fix it. East Timorese
civil society and government leaders have made poverty eradication a top priority;
they have repeatedly stated that the nation should not mortgage its future
by incurring debt. East Timor has highly credible financial institutions with
sound international practices.Substantial profits from offshore oil and natural
gas will start flowing in five to ten years. It makes little sense from either
an economic or a humanitarian perspective to force a nation only beginning
to recover from such pervasive and recent destruction to use its revenues
to service debt to wealthy institutions and countries rather than spend on
education, healthcare, and other vital services. Moreover, a stable East Timor
is important for a stable Indonesia.
Any contributions, whether from the U.S. or other donors, should not be tied
to crippling strings of structural adjustment, whether in name or in practice.
While the term is not used in reference to East Timor, there are strong indications
that similar onerous macroeconomic conditions will be applied. The U.S. and
other countries must implement lessons learned repeatedly from the painful
experiences of so many poor nations that tying assistance to such conditions
has only led to further impoverishment including decreased access to healthcare
and education; devastated small- and medium-sized farms, businesses, and other
local industries; lowered wages and increased unemployment; undermined food
security; and environmental degradation. All of these effects burden women
disproportionately. With enough foresight, East Timor can avoid the same fate.
The people of East Timor have paid a terrible price for their freedom and
will soon proudly celebrate their independence. That independence must also
apply to economic and financial arenas. The United States can make sure that
East Timor’s people did not suffer the unbearable only to end up in an
endless cycle of poverty. Our government must contribute its fair share to
East Timor’s financing gap and coordinate with other governments and
IFIs to guarantee that the full amount is covered with grants free of restrictive
macroeconomic conditions.
Sincerely,
Christine Ahn, New Voices Fellow
Food First
Bama Athreya, Deputy Director
International Labor Rights Fund
Mubarak Awad, Chair of the Board
Nonviolence International
Jeff Ballinger, Director
Press for Change
Medea Benjamin, Co-Founder
Global Exchange
Kurt Biddle, Washington Coordinator
Indonesia Human Rights Network
Michele Bohana, Director
Institute for Asian Democracy
Diana Bohn, Co-Coordinator,
Nicaragua Center for Community Action
Rev. William Callahan, Co-Director
Quixote Center/ Quest for Peace
Rev. John Chamberlin, National Coordinator
East Timor Religious Outreach
Marie Clark, National Coordinator
Jubilee USA
Peter J. Davies, UN Representative
Saferworld
Erik Gustafson, Executive Director
Education for Peace in Iraq Center
Katherine Hoyt, National Co-Coordinator
Nicaragua Network
Aviva Imhof, Southeast Asia Program Director
International Rivers Network
John Judge, Member of the Board
Washington Peace Center
Mary Anne Mercer, Co-chair
The Northwest International Health Action Coalition (NIHAC)
Njoki Njoroge Njehu, Director
50 Years Is Enough Network
John Oei, Founder
Indonesian, Chinese, and American Network
Ann Oestreich, IHM, Congregation Justice Coordinator
Sisters of the Holy Cross
Karen Orenstein, Washington Coordinator
East Timor Action Network
Robert Pedersen, Trade and Labor Coordinator
Indiana Alliance for Democracy
Colin Rajah, Executive Director
JustAct - Youth Action for Global Justice
Jen Randolph Reise, Co-Director
Women Against Military Madness
Stephanie S. Spencer, Program Associate for Southern Asia
Common Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and
the United Church of Christ
Ivan Suvanjieff, President
PeaceJam Foundation
Ben Terrall, Director
East Timor Relief and Research Project
Mark Toney, Executive Director
Center for Third World Organizing
Neil Watkins, Washington Office Coordinator
Center for Economic Justice
Roland Watson
Dictator Watch
Robert Weissman, Co-Director
Essential Action
John Witeck, Coordinator
Philippine Workers Support Committee
Kani Xulam, Director
American Kurdish Information Network
Phyllis S. Yingling, President
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, United States Section
cc: The Honorable Paul H. O’Neill, Secretary of Treasury
The Honorable Andrew S. Natsios, Administrator, U.S. Agency for International
Development
Letter3:
19 April
2002
Dear Appropriations Committee Member:
We urgently appeal to you to ensure that the U.S. makes the most generous
grant possible, without restrictive macroeconomic conditions, at the May 14
and 15 pledging conference in East Timor. As a member of the Appropriations
Committee, you are well-positioned to do so. You may be aware that the East
Timorese government is expecting a $154 to $184 million revenue shortfall
in its already lean recurrent and development budgets over the first three
years of independence. While this sum is minuscule on an international scale,
it could stand in the way of a promising beginning to the world’s newest
nation.
East Timor’s call to fund its financing gap comes on the heels of President
Bush’s recently stated commitment to eradicating poverty worldwide and
efforts by Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill and others to make sure that
grants form a large portion of international assistance to poor countries.
Pledging to fund 25% of the gap would be consistent with recent positions
taken by the U.S. and would signal the sincerity of our intentions to the
world.
We urge you to explore scenarios by which the necessary funding for the financing
gap can be attained. We understand that due to timing constraints, Administration
representatives have pledged funds at past donor conferences which were appropriated
retroactively. We encourage you to work with your colleagues on the Appropriations
Committee to consider such an option for East Timor, as well as ensuring that,
in coordination with other donors, monies contributed suffice to cover the
entire financing gap with grants. Options for this funding include the FY03
Foreign Operations Appropriations bill’s debt relief package, Economic
Support Fund, or another portfolio. A second possibility would be to earmark
ESF for budgetary support for East Timor in the FY02 Emergency Supplemental
Appropriations bill, as has already been requested by the Administration for
the Afghan Interim Authority and Jordan. Finally, we ask that you explore
with the Administration the possibility of drawing from State Department,
Treasury, or other discretionary funds for this purpose. We note that due
to reductions in peacekeeping and other UN operations in East Timor, the U.S.
will be saving substantial sums, a portion of which could be donated.
We strongly feel that the U.S. government has a moral obligation to make sure
that East Timor’s financing gap is fully funded. For some 50 years, the
U.S. was the largest supporter of the Indonesian military, despite its egregious
record of rights abuses. That the President and Secretary of State of the
United States in 1975 gave a green light to Indonesian dictator Suharto to
invade East Timor is widely documented. Throughout the occupation, the U.S.
supplied Indonesian security forces with well over one billion dollars of
military assistance and equipment. Generous grants to East Timor without strings
attached cannot bring back the hundreds of thousands of East Timorese killed
with U.S. backing, but they would help ensure a peaceful and prosperous future
for East Timor.
It is wholly practical to sustain the positive investment made to date in
East Timor by the U.S. and other countries. This is the world’s first
chance to take preemptive action to thwart the vicious cycle of poverty and
debt that has a stranglehold on far too many developing countries. Simply
put, it is far cheaper to prevent a problem than to fix it. East Timorese
civil society and government leaders have made poverty eradication a top priority;
they have repeatedly stated that the nation should not mortgage its future
by incurring debt. East Timor has highly credible financial institutions with
sound international practices.Substantial profits from offshore oil and natural
gas will start flowing in five to ten years. It makes little sense from either
an economic or a humanitarian perspective to force a nation only beginning
to recover from such pervasive and recent destruction to use its revenues
to service debt to wealthy institutions and countries rather than spend on
education, healthcare, and other vital services. Moreover, a stable East Timor
is important for a stable Indonesia.
Any contributions, whether from the U.S. or other donors, should not be tied
to crippling strings of structural adjustment, whether in name or in practice.
While the term is not used in reference to East Timor, there are strong indications
that similar onerous macroeconomic conditions will be applied. The U.S. and
other countries must implement lessons learned repeatedly from the painful
experiences of so many poor nations that tying assistance to such conditions
has only led to further impoverishment. With this knowledge, East Timor is
well-positioned to avoid the same fate.
The people of East Timor have paid a terrible price for their freedom and
will soon proudly celebrate their independence. That independence must also
apply to economic and financial sectors. Congress, acting as the government’s
conscience, has time and again redirected Administration policies when they
have strayed from oft-stated principles of respect for human rights and democracy.
This has been especially true in the case of East Timor. We trust that Congress
will maintain this tradition as East Timor approaches independence and beyond.
With your help, the United States can ensure that East Timor’s people
did not suffer the unbearable only to end up in an endless cycle of poverty.
Sincerely,
Christine Ahn, New Voices Fellow
Food First
Bama Athreya, Deputy Director
International Labor Rights Fund
Mubarak Awad, Chair of the Board
Nonviolence International
Jeff Ballinger, Director
Press for Change
Medea Benjamin, Co-Founder
Global Exchange
Kurt Biddle, Washington Coordinator
Indonesia Human Rights Network
Michele Bohana, Director
Institute for Asian Democracy
Diana Bohn, Co-Coordinator,
Nicaragua Center for Community Action
Rev. William Callahan, Co-Director
Quixote Center/ Quest for Peace
Rev. John Chamberlin, National Coordinator
East Timor Religious Outreach
Marie Clark, National Coordinator
Jubilee USA
Peter J. Davies, UN Representative
Saferworld
Erik Gustafson, Executive Director
Education for Peace in Iraq Center
Katherine Hoyt, National Co-Coordinator
Nicaragua Network
Aviva Imhof, Southeast Asia Program Director
International Rivers Network
John Judge, Member of the Board
Washington Peace Center
Mary Anne Mercer, Co-chair
The Northwest International Health Action Coalition (NIHAC)
Njoki Njoroge Njehu, Director
50 Years Is Enough Network
John Oei, Founder
Indonesian, Chinese, and American Network
Ann Oestreich, IHM, Congregation Justice Coordinator
Sisters of the Holy Cross
Karen Orenstein, Washington Coordinator
East Timor Action Network
Robert Pedersen, Trade and Labor Coordinator
Indiana Alliance for Democracy
Colin Rajah, Executive Director
JustAct - Youth Action for Global Justice
Jen Randolph Reise, Co-Director
Women Against Military Madness
Stephanie S. Spencer, Program Associate for Southern Asia
Common Global Ministries of the Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) and
the United Church of Christ
Ivan Suvanjieff, President
PeaceJam Foundation
Ben Terrall, Director
East Timor Relief and Research Project
Mark Toney, Executive Director
Center for Third World Organizing
Neil Watkins, Washington Office Coordinator
Center for Economic Justice
Roland Watson
Dictator Watch
Robert Weissman, Co-Director
Essential Action
John Witeck, Coordinator
Philippine Workers Support Committee
Kani Xulam, Director
American Kurdish Information Network
Phyllis S. Yingling, President
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, United States Section